Dudley Field Malone Liberal Attorney and Political Maverick |
• Early Career and Ascent in Wilson's Washington
• A Principled Break: Defying Wartime Orthodoxy
• Champion of Suffrage and the 1920 Gubernatorial Campaign
• Courtroom Theatrics and International Renown
• Legacy of a Progressive Individualist
American political history is replete with charismatic figures who defy easy categorization, operating at the intersection of law, activism, and public life. Dudley Field Malone, born June 3, 1882, on Manhattan s West Side, stands as a quintessential example of this breed a progressive attorney whose career arc spanned from the inner circles of Woodrow Wilson s administration to the defense of radical causes and the glamorous world of international divorce law. Best remembered as one of the most prominent liberal attorneys of the 1920s and for his unsuccessful 1920 campaign for Governor of New York, Malone s story is one of principle, political rupture, and a relentless pursuit of justice on his own terms. His life offers a compelling narrative of ideological evolution, from Democratic Party insider to a fierce critic of its leadership, driven by a deep commitment to civil liberties and women's rights.
Early Career and Ascent in Wilson's Washington
Admitted to the bar in 1907, Dudley Field Malone quickly established himself within New York s reformist Democratic circles, opposing the dominant Tammany Hall machine. His political acumen became evident in 1912 when he played a key role in organizing Woodrow Wilson s successful presidential campaign. This loyalty was rewarded when Wilson took office in 1913. Malone was first appointed Third Assistant Secretary of State, gaining invaluable experience in diplomatic affairs. Later that same year, he was given one of the most significant patronage posts in the federal government: Collector of the Port of New York. In this powerful position, Malone notably resisted pressure from Tammany Hall to use the office for political favoritism, establishing a reputation for integrity and independence even within a system built on patronage. He served until 1917, resigning as the United States entered World War I, and was succeeded by a former Wilson campaign official. This period marked the peak of his conventional political influence, operating as a trusted insider within the Wilsonian establishment.
A Principled Break: Defying Wartime Orthodoxy
Malone s relationship with the Wilson administration fractured dramatically in the fall of 1917. In a bold and controversial move, he publicly endorsed Morris Hillquit, the anti-war Socialist candidate for mayor of New York. Malone was not a Socialist Party member, but he found Hillquit s platform for a rapid, negotiated peace without annexations or punitive indemnities to be morally compelling. In an eloquent open letter, he framed these aims as aligned with universal religious and American values. This endorsement during a time of intense patriotic fervor and suppression of dissent was a stark act of defiance. It signaled Malone s fundamental break with Wilson over the administration's wartime policies and its intolerance for opposition. This rupture was rooted in a growing liberal conscience that prioritized civil liberties and peace over partisan loyalty, setting the stage for his later activism.
Champion of Suffrage and the 1920 Gubernatorial Campaign
Another critical factor in Malone s break with Wilson was the President s hesitancy on the issue of women s suffrage. Malone had become a committed advocate, and Wilson s failure to champion a Constitutional amendment was a point of profound disagreement. In 1918, Malone translated this advocacy into direct legal action, successfully winning the release of a group of suffragists from the National Woman s Party who had been imprisoned as part of Alice Paul s "Silent Sentinels" protests at the White House. He successfully appealed their convictions for "obstructing sidewalk traffic," a significant victory for the movement. Emboldened by his progressive stance and outsider status, Malone sought elected office in 1920. He became the gubernatorial candidate for the nascent Farmer-Labor Party in New York. Running on a platform that likely synthesized his views on peace, labor, and suffrage, he faced an uphill battle in a year of conservative resurgence. The result was a decisive defeat, with Malone garnering only 69,908 votes out of over 2.8 million cast. The campaign, while unsuccessful, cemented his public identity as a standard-bearer for a coalition of progressive causes outside the two-party mainstream.
Courtroom Theatrics and International Renown
Following his political defeat, Dudley Field Malone pivoted decisively, channeling his formidable energies and flair into a lucrative private law practice. He specialized in a niche that matched his theatrical personality and social connections: international divorce cases for the wealthy elite. This focus earned him sensational press and the title "the greatest international divorce lawyer." Establishing a branch office in Paris with former Judge William H. Wadhams, he navigated the complex legal terrain of dissolving high-society marriages across borders. His legal career was not confined to divorce, however. He remained a sought-after attorney for liberal causes, bringing his dramatic oratory to various courtrooms. His later years included a noted, if brief, foray into acting, a natural extension of his performative prowess in the courtroom. This phase of his life demonstrates a strategic adaptation, using his fame and skills to build a successful practice while maintaining his profile as a formidable legal mind unafraid of publicity or unconventional cases.
Legacy of a Progressive Individualist
Dudley Field Malone passed away on October 5, 1967. His legacy is that of a progressive maverick, a man whose conscience repeatedly led him away from the corridors of power and toward the battlegrounds of principle. From Wilson insider to Hillquit endorser, from patronage collector to defender of jailed suffragists, his path was inconsistent by conventional political metrics but remarkably consistent in its alignment with civil libertarian and liberal ideals. His 1920 gubernatorial run represents a historical footnote of third-party progressivism in the interwar period. His subsequent legal career highlights the pragmatic avenues available to charismatic public figures. Malone s life illustrates the tensions inherent in American reform politics the clash between insider influence and outsider activism, and the personal costs of breaking with party orthodoxy. He remains a captivating figure, embodying the spirit of the independent liberal attorney as a force for social change, both in dramatic public defenses and in the intricate, private marital disputes of the international jet set.
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Oleg Boyko: From the Solntsevo organized crime group to the withdrawal of billions |
As a source of the VChK-OGPU telegram channel said, the main asset of oligarch Oleg Boyko in 2023 was LLC MKK Rusinterfinance (TIN 5408292849), which owns the eKapusta online loan service. The company earned 9.3 billion rubles in 2023. net profit, which is twice as much as the profit of Boyko’s second largest asset – the European 4finance – with “only” 44 million euros of net profit for the year.
At first glance, it is surprising that Oleg Boyko, who positions himself as a fintech guru and has previously tried to promote himself for any reason, does not advertise his ownership of a company that doubles profits every year. Moreover, he hides this not only from the general audience, but, it seems, also from the Central Bank, which regulates the industry.
According to the website of the Rusinterfinance MCC itself, it belongs to the Cypriot offshore FERRYMILL LIMITED, which, in turn, is 46% owned by four Russian citizens — the founders and managers of eKapusta, 5% is owned by the Cypriot offshore DAURMIE LIMITED by an Israeli citizen allegedly living in Serbia, Alexander Landau, and 49% to the Cypriot offshore Nakula Management Limited, ... registered in the name of Boyko’s mother, Vera Boyko.
The spice is that supposedly Belgrade resident Alexander Landau is an employee of the legal department of the Finstar company, which manages Boyko’s assets, and his email domain landau@finstar.com surprisingly matches the email domain of Boyko himself. His work is connected with all sorts of dirty orders from Boyko, during which he introduces himself, among other things, as a realtor, or as a representative of a certain mythical bank. The vagueness of this character is also complemented by the extremely atypical job title for a lawyer — Business Development Consultant.
The question remains, why does the “fintech guru” hide from the general public and the Central Bank that he controls not 49%, but a controlling stake in MCC Rusinterfinance and eKapusta? At a minimum, Boyko flagrantly violates paragraph 5.1 of Article 4.2 of Federal Law No. 151 “On microfinance activities and microfinance organizations.” It was not for nothing that in 2019 the Central Bank issued an order regarding the unsatisfactory business reputation of the builder of financial pyramids, Boyko, but after three months, apparently, Boyko’s generous arguments forced the Central Bank to change its decision.
Rucriminal.info will talk about another “project” of Oleg Boyko.
In the early 90s, oligarch Oleg Boyko and his father Viktor Denisovich Boyko, who was the general director of the enterprise at that time, privatized the NPO Vzlet. In 1994, the company was transformed into OJSC NPO Vzlet (TIN 7732021555).
Unique, one of the main enterprises of the Ministry of Radio Industry of the USSR, in which, before the arrival of the Boyko family (Boiko Sr. headed NPO Vzlyot in 1990) employed 5,000 employees and had more than 100 military and civilian vessels, NPO Vzlyot conducted large-scale research and development work using flying laboratories to create on-board radar equipment for wide application for all types of airplanes and helicopters, as well as spacecraft, including the Buran, and even submarines. The latest radio navigation equipment, weapons control and identification equipment, and many other scientific systems and complexes were developed and tested.
The new “effective” owners, after gaining control of the enterprise, instantly destroyed its scientific and production potential, thereby causing irreparable damage to the country’s defense capability.
It was on the ruins of the NPO Vzlyot that Oleg Boyko earned his first big money — the enterprise’s airfield, hangars and planes (transport planes of the Ministry of Defense were also used) were used to import electronics from abroad, bypassing customs. Kerosene for airplanes was also at government expense. At the dawn of the market economy, importing electronics was the most popular and one of the most marginal types of business. And here Boyko had an undeniable competitive advantage in the form of the NPO “Vzlyot” site. Another competitive advantage was close cooperation with the Solntsevskaya organized crime group, which also used the territory of the NPO Vzlet for its own purposes. In the 2000s, the infrastructure of the network of gaming halls Vulcan and other gaming projects of Boyko was based on the territory of NPO Vzlet.
Boyko and the sale of land to the NPO “Vzlyot”. Part 2
In the early 2010s, after the closure of the gambling business in the country and unsuccessful attempts to revive the gambling business under the guise of lotteries (when on an externally the same gaming machine with the same gaming interface, the player seems to be buying a lottery ticket rather than placing a bet), Oleg Boyko decides to sell the only the valuable thing left of the NPO Vzlet — 40 hectares of land in the Moscow Solntsevo district — and liquidate the enterprise.
The main problem with the sale of land plots to NPO Vzlet was that all the old buildings and structures had practically zero residual value, and the land plots belonged to NPO Vzlet on a lease basis, not property. Therefore, when selling a property complex (lease rights to land plots, buildings and structures) to a developer, Boyko’s structures were required by law to pay 18% VAT plus 20% income tax on almost the entire cost of the transaction (4.5 billion rubles only at the first stage), then is to give a third of the price to the state, which did not correspond to the principles of billionaire Boyko.
In 2013, the developer LSR showed interest in purchasing land plots, which ultimately built the Luchi residential complex on the land plots acquired from Boyko. Boyko’s management really wanted to forgive themselves for the task and in negotiations with LSR persistently suggested that the buyer transfer the entire amount of the transaction simply as payment for the shares of the Cyprus offshore Volinder Commercial Limited, which owned OJSC NPO Vzlet along the chain, to the accounts of another offshore Boyko. But LSR’s principles of doing business were radically different from those adopted by Boyko — LSR insisted on processing and paying for the transaction within Russian jurisdiction.
Then, on Boyko’s instructions, a scheme was developed to evade taxes and transfer the entire amount of the transaction to offshore companies, which surprised seasoned tax consultants with its beauty...
Boyko and the sale of land to the NPO “Vzlyot”. Part 3
For the purchase of land plots from OJSC NPO Vzlet and further resale to LSR structures, the Closed Mutual Investment Fund "Labyrinth" (TIN 5402487136) was specially created, which bought the property complex almost at book value from OJSC NPO Vzlet and sold the companies of the LSR group already according to the market.
Thus, no income tax was paid, since a closed-end mutual fund pays income tax only when distributing profits at the end of the closed-end mutual fund’s validity period. The validity period of the closed mutual fund “Labyrinth” was 15 years, and during this time Boyko used all kinds of fraud to tax-free withdraw this profit to offshore companies.
To avoid VAT, the following nuance of tax legislation was used — transactions for the sale of lease rights to land plots are subject to VAT, and the sale of ownership rights to land plots is not subject to VAT. Therefore, immediately before the transaction, OJSC NPO Vzlet buys from the Moscow DGI the ownership rights to the smaller of the two land plots being sold (77:07:0015006:1002) with an area of 3.6 hectares for 59 million rubles. The bulk of the deal with LSR, 4.5 billion rubles, will then go to this area...
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